SCOTUS AM

December 10, 2025 — SCOTUS AM

Dec 10, 2025
1210 AM SCOTUS TT·AM YT
J.G.G. v. Trump 25-cv-00766 · 1:25-cv-00766
The J.G.G. contempt proceedings moved into declaration phase — Noem, Blanche, and Mazzara all filed declarations that the court found insufficient, and Reveni was ordered to appear in person at December 15-16 hearings.

Bryan covered the contempt phase of J.G.G. in detail. The court had ordered the government to explain what steps had been taken to comply with its prior orders regarding the deported Venezuelans. Secretary Noem filed a declaration. White House counsel Blanche filed a declaration. DOJ's Mazzara filed a declaration. The court reviewed all three and found them inadequate — they didn't answer the key questions about what the government actually did, what authority it claimed, and why the men remained in CECOT despite court orders. The court then ordered a government official named Reveni to appear in person at contempt hearings scheduled for December 15-16. Bryan explained the executive privilege dimension: the government had argued some of the requested information was protected by executive privilege. The court indicated that privilege does not extend to shielding contempt of court — the president cannot order non-compliance with a court order and then claim privilege to avoid accountability for that non-compliance.

Constitutional question: Separation of powers at the contempt junction: whether executive privilege can be invoked to shield evidence of executive branch non-compliance with a federal court's lawful order — and whether the court has inherent power to compel senior executive officials to appear and answer.
Alabama wants to execute a man whose IQ tested between 73 and 78 on five different tests — and the state's argument is that you should average the scores and apply a margin of error to get him below the 70 cutoff that Atkins v. Virginia established.

The Eighth Amendment prohibits executing intellectually disabled individuals — that's the holding of Atkins v. Virginia (2002). But Atkins left implementation to the states, and states have been creative in how they define the 70 IQ threshold. Hamm had been tested five times. Every single test came back between 73 and 78. Alabama's argument: IQ tests have a margin of error of approximately plus or minus three to five points, so a score of 73 could represent a "true" IQ of 70 or below. Bryan used this to explain what the margin of error argument actually does: rather than providing protection for borderline cases, Alabama was using it as an offensive tool — arguing that a score above 70 might actually be below 70 and therefore warrant execution. Bryan noted the circular nature: the same margin-of-error logic that could protect someone with a score of 67 (might actually be 70) was being used to potentially execute someone with a score of 73 (might actually be 70). The SCOTUS case would address whether states can use statistical artifacts of IQ testing to get around Atkins's categorical ban.

Constitutional question: The Eighth Amendment's categorical ban on executing the intellectually disabled: whether a state may use the statistical margin of error in IQ measurement to execute someone whose every measured IQ score was above the constitutional threshold.
The Investment Company Act has a provision — Section 47B — that voids contracts that violate the Act, but the question before SCOTUS is whether an individual investor can sue to enforce that voiding, or whether only the government can.

Bryan used FS Credit v. Saba to explain the private-right-of-action doctrine — one of the most consequential shifts in federal statutory law over the last half century. The Investment Company Act of 1940 includes Section 47B, which says contracts that violate the Act are void and unenforceable. The question is whether an individual who loses money on such a contract can sue in court to have it declared void and recover damages — or whether Section 47B merely creates a defense (you can say the contract is void when someone sues you) rather than an affirmative cause of action (you can go to court proactively). Bryan traced the history: in Transamerica Mortgage Advisors, Inc. v. Lewis (1979), the Supreme Court first began limiting implied private rights of action — before that, courts had freely found that when a statute created a right, individuals could sue to enforce it. After Transamerica, the Court required express authorization from Congress. Today's Court is even more skeptical: if Congress didn't explicitly create a right to sue, the Court will almost never infer one. Bryan used FS Credit v. Saba to show what this means practically: a statutory provision that literally says a contract is void may not give individual investors any way to enforce that voiding in court.

Constitutional question: Article III case-or-controversy and separation of powers: Congress has the power to create rights and remedies; the Court's reluctance to imply private rights of action flows from respect for congressional drafting choices — if Congress wanted individuals to sue, it would have said so explicitly.