March 16, 2026 — Monday Morning Report
A 9th Circuit case involving transgender rights produced more noteworthy collateral than it did legal precedent: a dissenting judge used coarse, offensive language about trans people, prompting formal criticism from his colleagues in the record. Bryan declined to quote it. The outcome itself wasn't a dramatic legal shift, but the institutional damage — a sitting federal judge lowering the register of legal discourse — was Bryan's focus. A dissent carries no precedential weight; its harm is to the credibility of the court itself.
The 4th Circuit reversed a lower court decision, allowing West Virginia to exclude gender-affirming care from Medicaid coverage. The court cited Skrmetti (the SCOTUS 2025 ruling that allowed restrictions on gender-affirming care for minors, finding they discriminated by age and diagnosis rather than transgender status, subject only to rational basis review). But Bryan flagged that the 4th Circuit expanded beyond Skrmetti's narrow holding: it stated that "bans based on transgender status may still have rational basis" — which is not what Skrmetti said — and justified the restriction partly on the basis that states may "force people to appreciate their sex." Bryan: "That is not your typical legal reasoning. It sounds a little less black robe and a little more red robe." He expected this decision would face further review; said it surprised him from the 4th Circuit and he'd expect this from the 5th.
A U.S. attorney's office served subpoenas on the Federal Reserve Board as part of what the Board characterized as a poorly disguised attempt to pressure Federal Reserve Chairman Jerome Powell into resigning. Powell had publicly refused to lower interest rates on presidential demand. The Board filed a motion to quash, which Judge Boasberg granted. Boasberg cited 100+ statements by the president and his deputies attacking Powell (including calling him "dumb," "too stupid to be Fed chair," and "a total loser"), a meeting where the president berated U.S. attorneys for not moving faster against political opponents (the day before the subpoenas were served), and a direct presidential threat that if Powell didn't change Fed rates "I may have to force him." The judge found the subpoenas were a fishing expedition used for harassment — expressly prohibited use of grand jury subpoenas. As a final move, the judge also granted the Fed's request to unseal all filings the U.S. attorney had tried to keep private. Bryan: "This one burned my hands."
Russell Vought (Heritage Foundation founder, OMB director under Trump) was named acting director of the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau. His first act: tell the Federal Reserve Board that the CFPB's funding request was $0. A series of lawsuits followed, arguing Vought was violating his statutory duty to operate the agency. Vought kept losing, and tried a new approach: when the Fed's income dropped below the 6.5% threshold that triggers the CFPB's supplemental funding mechanism, Vought claimed he was no longer legally "allowed" to request money. The court's response: your statutory duty is to operate the CFPB. You can't use a funding technicality to accomplish what courts have already said you can't do directly. And even if the technicality argument was viable, you'd need to go back and fix the months you spent not asking — not just start complying today while the court is watching.