October 17, 2025 — Aloha Friday
John Bolton, former National Security Advisor under Trump, was indicted on charges including unlawful retention of classified documents in his home and use of an unsecured communication system (Signal) to discuss national security issues — including discussions about attacks on other countries — with people who lacked the required clearance, including family members. Bryan explicitly flagged the mirror structure: each new Trump DOJ prosecution was designed to parallel an indictment against Trump himself or someone in his orbit, often using near-identical wording. Bolton pled not guilty. Bryan distinguished this case from the Comey and Letitia James prosecutions: those were brought by an interim US attorney (whose appointment was being challenged as unlawful); the Bolton case was brought in Maryland by Kelly Hayes, who was initially appointed as an interim US attorney for 120 days, at which point the district court elected to retain her — meaning her appointment was lawful. Bryan: "Still doesn't mean the case has legs. We're going to have to see. It just came out. Let's give it a few days." Bryan did not claim inside knowledge of whether Bolton actually did what was alleged — only that Bolton's reputation for strict national security discipline made haphazard document handling seem implausible.
AFGE v. OMB arose when Trump, facing a government shutdown, announced his intent to fire federal employees during the lapse in funding — using the shutdown as cover to restructure the federal workforce outside normal civil service protections. The American Federation of Government Employees sued and a California federal court issued a TRO barring the administration from firing anyone during the shutdown period. The judge's findings: OMB had treated the shutdown as a general authorization to ignore all employment laws and civil service rules — effectively claiming that a funding lapse suspended the entire legal framework governing federal employment. The court found this position "likely to be found both illegal and in excess of authority as well as arbitrary and capricious." An emergency hearing was scheduled at 3 PM Pacific time on October 17 to respond to evidence that the government was planning to proceed with mass firings on Monday (Oct 20) anyway, despite the TRO. The judge specifically prohibited livestreaming of that hearing; Bryan told viewers how to access it directly through Zoom but couldn't stream it himself.
The Portland National Guard case had two TROs — the district court's initial order (covering Oregon Guard) and the second order (covering all National Guard after the California Guard workaround). The 9th Circuit had partially stayed the initial TRO: allowing federalization, blocking deployment. The intact (un-stayed) TRO was set to expire Sunday, October 19. Rather than let the case go without court supervision, the district court set a three-day trial date for October 29 at 9 AM Pacific. The remaining TRO extends in place through the trial. Net status as of Aloha Friday, October 17: the administration can federalize Oregon's National Guard (and pay them), but cannot deploy them or any other National Guard troops into the state of Oregon. Bryan provided public dial-in details for the October 29 trial. Bryan also noted: as of that date, no First Amendment case analogous to Chicago Headline Club had been filed in Portland, though Bryan expected one would likely emerge.
Newsom v. Trump at the Ninth Circuit continued to develop. The case challenged Trump's authority to federalize the California National Guard under 10 U.S.C. § 12406, which permits federalization when the president is "unable with regular forces to execute the laws of the United States." Newsom's existing argument: if California is so dangerous that you need to federalize our National Guard, why are you sending those troops to Oregon? The Ninth Circuit had not yet responded to that argument. A new argument emerged this week — from Illinois first, then echoed by California: "regular forces" in § 12406 means the standing Army, not regular federal officers (ICE, FBI, etc.). Under this reading, the president must exhaust the Army's capacity before he can call on state Guard units. The administration pushed back: "regular forces" means the regular law enforcement infrastructure (ICE, FBI), not the military. Bryan's assessment: an interesting statutory argument, probably not a winner given how broadly courts have construed presidential authority to federalize, but creative enough to flag. "Gold star for innovation, Gavin. Good on you."