September 22, 2025 — Morning Report
Bryan opened with a refugee vocabulary lesson — defining immigrants vs. non-immigrants, internally displaced people, offshore refugees vs. onshore asylum seekers — to set up why the legal question matters. President Trump issued an EO in January blocking refugee admissions and canceling the contracts that provide care for refugees (including UACs) while they wait. Two statutory provisions are in tension: one lets the president set an annual refugee ceiling (but requires prior congressional consultation, which didn't happen); another lets the president bar entry of groups "detrimental to national interests" — and the administration used the broader provision to bar essentially all global refugees. The Ninth Circuit ruled on two issues: (1) it blocked the district court's preliminary injunction that had been letting pre-approved refugees enter — those people remain stuck outside the country; (2) it reinstated all the contracts caring for refugees and UACs, rejecting the government's eight-month-old "still shopping for new contractors" excuse. No final ruling on the merits yet — everything so far is PI/TRO-level procedural.
The case is unusual because the government is the plaintiff — it sued the AFL-CIO seeking a declaratory judgment that federal agencies were authorized by executive order to terminate their collective bargaining agreements. The suit was dismissed in July because the government failed to demonstrate any actual injury from the contracts it wanted to cancel. What the agencies actually wanted was an advisory opinion: a judicial ruling saying "yes, in general, you are allowed to do this." But Article III prohibits courts from issuing advisory opinions — courts can only adjudicate real disputes with real injuries. The government didn't show it had been harmed by the union contracts; it just wanted advance judicial approval for action it hadn't taken yet. The court said no and dismissed. The federal government gets 60 days (not the standard 30) to appeal a dismissal, and the agencies got in right at the wire, filing an appeal. Bryan's assessment: limited chance of success given how foundational the justiciability problem is, though he noted Texas and the Fifth Circuit tend to find executive branch authority.
The USDA told states: share the personal data of SNAP (food stamp) recipients or lose your federal SNAP funding. The explicit purpose was to use the data to identify and track immigrants. California and other states refused and sued. The district court issued a TRO blocking the funding cutoff. The legal basis was twofold: (1) the statutory framework governing SNAP data sharing includes strict federal and state privacy protections — sharing personal data with immigration enforcement isn't one of the permitted exceptions, and the states refusing to share are actually complying with the laws that are a condition of receiving the funding in the first place; (2) the USDA's own regulations explicitly prohibit using SNAP data for this purpose. The court called this a near-done-deal — until, in Bryan's words, "literally the last minute of the hearing," the USDA introduced new arguments, including a proposal for a narrower injunction permitting only certain uses of the data. Because counsel had no time to research and argue those issues, the court issued a TRO rather than a longer-lasting preliminary injunction, and scheduled a second hearing with full briefing.